The President. Marilynne, it's wonderful to see you. And as I said as we were driving over here, this is an experiment, because typically when I come to a place like Des Moines, I immediately am rushed over to some political event and I make a speech, or I have a town hall, or I go see some factory and have wonderful conversations with people. But it's very planned out and scripted. And typically, we're trying to drive a very particular message that day about education or about manufacturing.
But one of the things that I don't get a chance to do as often as I'd like is just to have a conversation with somebody who I enjoy and I'm interested in; to hear from them and have a conversation with them about some of the broader cultural forces that shape our democracy and shape our ideas, and shape how we feel about citizenship and the direction that the country should be going in.
And so we had this idea that why don't I just have a conversation with somebody I really like and see how it turns out. And you were first in the queue, because —
Robinson. Thank you very much.
The President. Well, as you know — I've told you this — I love your books. Some listeners may not have read your work before, which is good, because hopefully they'll go out and buy your books after this conversation.
I first picked up Gilead, one of your most wonderful books, here in Iowa. Because I was campaigning at the time, and there's a lot of downtime when you're driving between towns and when you get home late from campaigning. And you and I, therefore, have an Iowa connection, because Gilead is actually set here in Iowa.
And I've told you this — one of my favorite characters in fiction is a pastor in Gilead, Iowa, named John Ames, who is gracious and courtly and a little bit confused about how to reconcile his faith with all the various travails that his family goes through. And I was just — I just fell in love with the character, fell in love with the book, and then you and I had a chance to meet when you got a fancy award at the White House. And then we had dinner and our conversations continued ever since.
So anyway, that's enough context. You just have completed a series of essays that are not fiction, and I had a chance to read one of them about fear and the role that fear may be playing in our politics and our democracy and our culture.* And you looked at it through the prism of Christianity and sort of the Protestant traditions that helped shape us, so I thought maybe that would be a good place to start.
Why did you decide to write this book of essays? And why was fear an important topic, and how does it connect to some of the other work that you've been doing?
Robinson. Well, the essays are actually lectures. I give lectures at a fair rate, and then when I've given enough of them to make a book, I make a book.
The President. So you just kind of mash them all together?
Robinson. I do. That's what I do. But it rationalizes my lecturing, too. But fear was very much — is on my mind, because I think that the basis of democracy is the willingness to assume well about other people.
You have to assume that basically people want to do the right thing. I think that you can look around society and see that basically people do the right thing. But when people begin to make these conspiracy theories and so on, that make it seem as if what is apparently good is in fact sinister, they never accept the argument that is made for a position that they don't agree with — you know?
The President. Yes.
Robinson. Because [of] the idea of the "sinister other." And I mean, that's bad under all circumstances. But when it's brought home, when it becomes part of our own political conversation about ourselves, I think that that really is about as dangerous a development as there could be in terms of whether we continue to be a democracy.
The President. Well, now there's been that strain in our democracy and in American politics for a long time. And it pops up every so often. I think the argument right now would be that because people are feeling the stresses of globalization and rapid change, and we went through one of the worst financial crises since the Great Depression, and the political system seems gridlocked, that people may be particularly receptive to that brand of politics.
Robinson. But having looked at one another with optimism and tried to facilitate education and all these other things — which we've done more than most countries have done, given all our faults — that's what made it a viable democracy. And I think that we have created this incredibly inappropriate sort of in-group mentality when we really are from every end of the earth, just dealing with each other in good faith. And that's just a terrible darkening of the national outlook, I think.
The President. We've talked about this, though. I'm always trying to push a little more optimism. Sometimes you get — I think you get discouraged by it, and I tell you, well, we go through these moments.
Robinson. But when you say that to me, I say to you, you're a better person than I am.
The President. Well, but I want to pick up on the point you made about us coming from everywhere. You're a novelist but you're also — can I call you a theologian? Does that sound, like, too stuffy? You care a lot about Christian thought.
Robinson. I do, indeed.
The President. And that's part of the foundation of your writings, fiction and nonfiction. And one of the points that you've made in one of your most recent essays is that there was a time in which at least reformed Christianity in Europe was very much "the other." And part of our system of government was based on us rejecting an exclusive, inclusive — or an exclusive and tightly controlled sense of who is part of the community and who is not, in favor of a more expansive one.
Tell me a little bit about how your interest in Christianity converges with your concerns about democracy.
Robinson. Well, I believe that people are images of God. There's no alternative that is theologically respectable to treating people in terms of that understanding. What can I say? It seems to me as if democracy is the logical, the inevitable consequence of this kind of religious humanism at its highest level. And it [applies] to everyone. It's the human image. It's not any loyalty or tradition or anything else; it's being human that enlists the respect, the love of God being implied in it.
The President. But you've struggled with the fact that here in the United States, sometimes Christian interpretation seems to posit an "us versus them," and those are sometimes the loudest voices. But sometimes I think you also get frustrated with kind of the wishy-washy, more liberal versions where anything goes.
The President. How do you reconcile the idea of faith being really important to you and you caring a lot about taking faith seriously with the fact that, at least in our democracy and our civic discourse, it seems as if folks who take religion the most seriously sometimes are also those who are suspicious of those not like them?
Robinson. Well, I don't know how seriously they do take their Christianity, because if you take something seriously, you're ready to encounter difficulty, run the risk, whatever. I mean, when people are turning in on themselves — and God knows, arming themselves and so on — against the imagined other, they're not taking their Christianity seriously. I don't know — I mean, this has happened over and over again in the history of Christianity, there's no question about that, or other religions, as we know.
But Christianity is profoundly counterintuitive — "Love thy neighbor as thyself" — which I think properly understood means your neighbor is as worthy of love as you are, not that you're actually going to be capable of this sort of superhuman feat. But you're supposed to run against the grain. It's supposed to be difficult. It's supposed to be a challenge.
The President. Well, that's one of the things I love about your characters in your novels, it's not as if it's easy for them to be good Christians, right?
The President. It's hard. And it's supposed to be hard. Now, you grew up in Idaho, in a pretty — it wasn't a big, cosmopolitan place.
Robinson. The word "cosmopolitan" was never applied.
The President. Which town in Idaho did you grow up in?
Robinson. [Coeur d'Alene] is where I really grew up.
The President. How big was the town when you were growing up?
Robinson. 13,500 people.
The President. All right. So that's a town.
Robinson. Yes, the second-largest city in the state at the time.
The President. And how do you think you ended up thinking about democracy, writing, faith the way you do? How did that experience of growing up in a pretty small place in Idaho, which might have led you in an entirely different direction — how did you end up here, Marilynne? What happened? Was it libraries?
Robinson. It was libraries, it was — people are so complicated. It's like every new person is a completely new roll of the dice, right?
The President. Right.
Robinson. I followed what was for me the path of least resistance, which meant reading a lot of books and writing, because it came naturally to me. My brother is excellent in many of these things, you know? And I think we reinforced each other, he and I, but it was perfectly accidental.
With all respect to that environment, many very smart people do not follow the path in life that people like my brother and I did. You learn from them even if you don't learn from them in a formal sense. But I always knew what I wanted to do in a sense — I mean, not be, but do. I didn't really have the concept of author until I was in high school. But I was writing.
The President. But you knew you wanted to read and write.
Robinson. Yes, that's what I wanted to do.
The President. Were your parents into books, or did they just kind of encourage you or tolerate your quirkiness?
Robinson. There was great tolerance in the house for quirkiness. No, it's a funny thing because on the one hand, I'm absolutely indebted to my origins, whatever they are, whatever that means. On the other hand, with all love and respect, my parents were not particularly bookish people.
The President. Well, that's why you have good sense along with sort of an overlay of books on top of good sense. What did your mom and dad do?
Robinson. My mother was a stay-at-home mother. My father was a sort of middle-management lumber company guy.
The President. But they encouraged it.
Robinson. You know what, they were the adults and we were the kids, you know what I mean? Sort of like two species. But if they noticed we were doing something — drawing or painting or whatever we were doing — then they would get us what we needed to do that, and silently go on with it. One of the things that I think is very liberating is that if I had lived any honest life, my parents would have been equally happy. I was under no pressure.
The President. Well, you told me about a certain attitude that your parents had that was — there was a certain set of homespun values of hard work and honesty and humility. And that sounded really familiar to me when I think about my grandparents who grew up in Kansas.
And that's part of what I see in your writing. And part of my connection to your books, I think, is an appreciation for — without romanticizing Middle America or small-town America — that sense of homespun virtues. And that comes out in your writing. And it sometimes seems really foreign to popular culture today, which is all about celebrity and being loud and bragging and —
Robinson. I mean, I really think that you have to go very far up in American culture to get beyond the point where people have good values. I mean, you really have that feeling sometimes that honesty is more intrinsic in some person that's doing very low-level work than it is in perhaps somebody that's trying to find his way into some sensation —
The President. These big systems where everything is all about flash. But that's not how your parents saw the world, right? When you said that all they cared about was just you being honest and —
Robinson. Yes, exactly.
The President. — doing your best in some enterprise.
Robinson. In whatever. Exactly.
The President. It's interesting, because we're talking in Iowa; people always, I think, were surprised about me connecting with folks in small-town Iowa. And the reason I did was, first of all, I had the benefit that at the time nobody expected me to win. And so I wasn't viewed through this prism of Fox News and conservative media, and making me scary. At the time, I didn't seem scary, other than just having a funny name. I seemed young. Sometimes I look at my pictures from then and I say, I can't believe anybody voted for me because I look like I'm twenty-five.
But I'd go into these towns and everybody felt really familiar to me, because they reminded me of my grandparents and my mom and that attitude that you talk about. You saw all through the state — and I saw this when I was traveling through southern Illinois when I was first campaigning for the United States Senate — and I actually see it everywhere across the country.
The issue to me, Marilynne, is not so much that those virtues that you prize and that you care about and that are vital to our democracy aren't there. They are there in Little League games, and —
Robinson. Emergency rooms.
The President. — emergency rooms, and in school buildings. And people are treating each other the way you would want our democracy to cultivate. But there's this huge gap between how folks go about their daily lives and how we talk about our common life and our political life. And people describe it as the distance between Washington and Main Street. But it's not just Washington; it's the way we talk about our politics, our foreign policy, our common endeavors. There's this gap.
And the thing I've been struggling with throughout my political career is how do you close the gap. There's all this goodness and decency and common sense on the ground, and somehow it gets translated into rigid, dogmatic, often mean-spirited politics. And some of it has to do with all the filters that stand between ordinary people who are busy and running around trying to look after their kids and do a good job and do all the things that maintain a community, so they don't have the chance to follow the details of complicated policy debates.
They know they want to take care of somebody who's sick, and they have a generous impulse. How that gets translated into the latest Medicare budgets [isn't] always clear. They know they want us to use our power wisely in the world, and that violence often begets violence. But they also know the world is dangerous and it's very hard to sort out, as you talk about in your essay, fear when violence must be met, and when there are other tools at our disposal to try to create a more peaceful world.
So that, I think, is the challenge. I'm very encouraged when I meet people in their environments. Somehow it gets distilled at the national political level in ways that aren't always as encouraging.
Robinson. I think one of the things that is true is that many Americans on every side of every issue, they think that the worst thing they can say is the truest thing, you know?
The President. No. Tell me what you mean.
Robinson. Well, for example — I mean, I'm a great admirer of American education. And I've traveled — I mean, a lot of my essays, you know, are lectures given in educational settings — universities everywhere. And they're very impressive. They are very much loved by people who identify with them. You meet faculty and they're very excited about what they're doing; students that are very excited, and so on.
And then you step away and you hear all this stuff about how the system is failing and we have to pull it limb from limb, and the rest of it. And you think, have you walked through the door? Have you listened to what people say? Have you taught in a foreign university?
We have a great educational system that is — it's really a triumph of the civilization. I don't think there's anything comparable in history. And it has no defenders. Most of the things we do have no defenders because people tend to feel the worst thing you can say is the truest thing you can say.
The President. But that's part of what makes America wonderful, is we always had this nagging dissatisfaction that spurs us on. That's how we ended up going west, that's how we — "I'm tired of all these people back east; if I go west, there's going to be my own land and I'm not going to have to put up with this nonsense, and I'm going to start my own thing, and I've got my homestead." …It is true, though, that that restlessness and that dissatisfaction which has helped us go to the moon and create the Internet and build the Transcontinental Railroad and build our land-grant colleges, that those things, born of dissatisfaction, we can very rapidly then take for granted and not tend to and not defend, and not understand how precious these things are.
And this is where conceptions of government can get us in trouble. Whenever I hear people saying that our problems would be solved without government, I always want to tell them you need to go to some other countries where there really is no government, where the roads are never repaired, where nobody has facilitated electricity going everywhere even where it's not economical, where —
Robinson. The postal system.
The President. — the postal system doesn't work, or kids don't have access to basic primary education. That's the logical conclusion if, in fact, you think that government is the enemy.
And that, too, is a running strain in our democracy. That's sort of in our DNA. We're suspicious of government as a tool of oppression. And that skepticism is healthy, but it can also be paralyzing when we're trying to do big things together.
Robinson. And also, one of the things that doesn't take into account is that local governments can be great systems of oppression. And it's a wonderful thing to have a national government that can intervene in the name of national values.
The President. Well, that was the lesson of the entire movement to abolish slavery and the civil rights movement. And that's one thing — I mean, I do think that one of the things we haven't talked about that does become the fault line around which the "us" and "them" formula rears its head is the fault line of race. And even on something like schools that you just discussed, part of the challenge is that the school systems we have are wonderful, except for a handful of schools that are predominantly minority that are terrible.
Our systems for maintaining the peace and our criminal justice systems generally work, except for this huge swath of the population that is incarcerated at rates that are unprecedented in world history.
And when you are thinking about American democracy or, for that matter, Christianity in your writings, how much does that issue of "the other" come up and how do you think about that? I know at least in Gilead that factors into one major character, trying to figure out how he can love somebody in the Fifties that doesn't look like him.
Robinson. Iowa never had laws against interracial marriage. Only Iowa and Maine never had [them] —
The President. Those were the only two.
Robinson. Yes. And [Ulysses S.] Grant really did call [Iowa] the shining star of radicalism, and so on. We never had segregated schools; they were illegal from before, while it was still a territory, and so on. And these laws never changed and they became the basis for the marriage equality ruling that the Supreme Court here [in Iowa] did.
So that whole stream of the culture never changed. And at the same time, the felt experience of the culture was not aligned with the liberal tradition [of the] culture. And so in that book, Jack has every right to think he can come to Iowa, and yet what he finds makes him frightened even to raise the question.
The President. I'm going to shift gears for a second. You told me that when you started writing it just kind of showed up in some ways. When you started writing your novels, that it was just forced upon you and that you didn't map it out. Tell me about when you were writing Gilead and Home and some of my favorite books, how did you decide, I'm going to start writing about some old pastor in the middle of cornfields?
Because by that time you had gone to the East Coast, you had traveled in France.
Robinson. The Midwest was still a very new thing for me. I got a voice in my head. It was the funniest thing. I mean, [I'd] been reading history and theology and all these things for a long time. And then I was in Massachusetts, actually, just [waiting to spend] Christmas with my son[s]. They were late coming to wherever we were going to meet, and I was in this hotel with a pen and blank paper, and I started writing from this voice. The first sentence in that book is the first sentence that came to my mind. I have no idea how that happens. I was surprised that I was writing from a male point of view. But there he was.
The President. He just showed up.
Robinson. He just showed up. And the first things that I knew about him — that he was old, that he had a young son, and so on — they create the narrative.